We are intent in getting the message out that Clinton has shamed this Nation. He is a liar, a corrupt politician, and his character is of ill repute. The following article, written by Mark Helprin, and posted on U.S. Representative Bob Barr's (R-Georgia) website, speaks for all of us in the Yuba County Impeach Clinton A.C.T.I.O.N. Committee.

Impeachment is the only answer to stop the corruptness that William J. Clinton has brought to this United States of America.

                    Here we stand in a clearing of the most difficult century of human history,
                   wanting our deserved rest, and standing with us may be the most corrupt,
                   fraudulent and dishonest president we ever have known.

                   At the very least the president, before he became president, was at the heart
                   of criminal financial dealings and bribery involving his wife and various felons
                   who were his close associates. Upon his elevation to office, he worked hard
                   to suppress and obfuscate the details of what he had done, while continuing
                   in the same pattern as both he and the same and a new set of dishonest
                   associates hid, withheld and destroyed records, purloined FBI files, used the
                   IRS to intimidate opponents, plotted to cage government business, met with
                   drug dealers, arms traders and mobsters, raised illegal campaign money,
                   sold influence and shook down the Chinese.

                   If we tolerate crime and corruption in the belief that they are but a small
                   challenge to our great stores of virtue and probity, when next we look those
                   great stores will be gone. Although it has its own price in damage and pain,
                   holding the president to account would mean that future presidents would
                   be, if not uncorrupt, less corrupt. Anyone aspiring to the presidency, from
                   senators and governors to young state legislators and attorneys general,
                   would have great incentive to stay on the straight and narrow.

                   Class of Manipulators

                   The consequences of letting it all pass would expand through generations to
                   come, altering the fundamental equations of government and the relations of
                   the governed and the governing. It would legitimate the most disturbing
                   myths and prove the most cynical accusations. If it is left to stand it will shift
                   power insufferably toward a class of manipulators and cheats. We have
                   moved in that direction before, but have always pulled back. Now we are in
                   danger of not pulling back.

                   Perhaps most frightening to the politicians in whose hands rests the ability to
                   remove him is the president's popularity. But the machinery of impeachment
                   is structured in a constitutionally miraculous fashion to burn away the many
                   layers of deliberate confusion laid on by the arrogant hand of power. It can,
                   in clarifying the facts and stating bluntly the truth, transform the protective
                   angels of presidential popularity into devils of the most relentless pursuit.
                   Those who are reluctant to hold the president to account because he enjoys
                   a 65% approval rating seem not to understand that he enjoys a 65%
                   approval rating because they are reluctant to hold him to account.

                                    The president's supporters who willfully sleepwalk
                                    through the stream of charges against him feel that an
                                    attack on him is an attack on their beliefs. They are
                                    mistaken. If he is removed from office, a president
                                    and vice president of the same political party and
                                    persuasion will remain. The near-impeachment and
                                    subsequent resignation of Richard Nixon did not,
                                    except for the strange interlude of Jimmy Carter,
                                    compromise a 24-year GOP presidential sweep.
                                    Besides, in so promiscuously adopting his
                                    opponents' positions, this president of muddy waters
                                    has removed a great deal of meaning from political
                                    battle and made opposition to him no longer a matter
                                    of politics or policy but mainly a matter of decency.

                   As for his allies in Congress, they float on the wind like birds and will fly
                   with the president only as long as he travels in buoyant air. Do not imagine
                   that after counting the bodies thrown from the presidential sled the likes of
                   Ron Dellums or Sen. Bob "Miracle Baby" Torricelli would stand by their
                   captain even through a light drizzle.

                   The president shifts blame. The sad faces that have been paraded before the
                   camera before they quit or go to prison are the faces of people taking a rap,
                   voluntarily or otherwise. But a president is responsible for what his minions
                   do, especially when he directs them.

                   He shifts arguments. His adventures in fund raising become his passion for
                   campaign reform and then are transformed into indignation that his political
                   rivals have prevented him from leading the American people into the
                   cathedral of virtuous politics. He manages this because he may actually
                   believe it.

                   He and his apologists shift focus. They are astounded at the temerity of
                   critics who compare him to Richard Nixon, and they love to make their
                   contempt and astonishment clear. But there is an answer for them, which is
                   that it is indeed possible to compare the two, and that in the daily exercise of
                   comparison Mr. Nixon is animated in a ghostly walk toward Mount
                   Rushmore. At least he had shame. At least he resigned. At least
                   Republicans, broken-hearted though they may have been, finally stopped
                   defending him.

                   This president shifts out of the way, like a bullfighter. Of his many capes the
                   vice president and Mrs. Clinton are the most waved in the wind. The
                   president's wife is, of course, inextricably tied to the mass of escalating lies,
                   but no matter what her crimes, sins or pretensions, she holds no office, and
                   is therefore unremovable from office. She is a distraction, a diversion no less
                   than the moon-faced underlings about to take a rap.

                   The vice president is even more so, having by virtue of his office and his
                   character great distractive potential. But though one of the distinct pleasures
                   of modern political life, indeed of life in general, is to observe him as he
                   simultaneously wounds and baffles himself,to bring the great cannon of a
                   Senate trial to bear upon him would be like using an elephant gun to shoot
                   an apple pip.

                   The person in question here, as from the beginning, is not Al Gore. It is not
                   Janet Reno. It is not Webster Hubbell, or Craig Livingstone, or Dan
                   Lasater. And it is not Hillary Clinton. It is no one of these or anyone else but
                   the president of the United States himself, in all his power and despite all his
                   power.

                   Each time a new infraction is unearthed, the president sits back, crosses his
                   arms, and trumpets through his surrogates, "Where's the proof, the notarized
                   film footage of me doing wrong? Don't you know? You can't catch me, I'm
                   the gingerbread man." He defines the rules of the game and controls the
                   initiative, which is another way of saying that what we have here is a bunch
                   of lawyers throwing out a lot of smoke and chaff. But the time has come to
                   cut through that smoke and chaff with a resolute move that will leave all the
                   maneuvering and obstruction in its wake.

                   President Nixon did not himself break into the Watergate. Nor were any
                   direct orders uncovered implicating him. But a nation led by a worrying
                   press made the appropriate connections even without judicial proof, and the
                   president was driven from office. A quarter of a century ago, however,
                   America had a general expectation of law and propriety, a press in
                   implacable opposition, and a president who knew the difference between
                   right and wrong even if he did not always observe it.

                   Though these are now remarkable mainly for their absence, one thing is the
                   same: The key congressional processes are controlled by the nonpresidential
                   party. Because the press is languid and the public largely indifferent,
                   responsibility falls on Congress. If justice is to prevail someone in Congress
                   will have to step out in front and take some fire. Otherwise, nothing moves.
                   A quarter of a century ago, the Democrats acted with anger for having lost
                   the presidency and surety for having won Congress. Now the Republicans
                   act with timidity for having lost the presidency and lack of certainty for
                   having won Congress. They seem to be ignorant of Nelson's Trafalgar
                   memorandum: "No captain can do very wrong if he places his ship alongside
                   that of an enemy." That is, to fight.

                   Why is Congress so pale in tooth and claw? Along with a great deal else in
                   American life, much of what goes on in Washington is treated as a game.
                   Only the clever get to rise, and they are proud of doing what it takes to win,
                   whatever that may be. To paraphrase Maynard Keynes, when people like
                   this are alone in a room, there is nobody there. But the difference between
                   life and a game is that whereas the logic of a game demands doing what will
                   succeed, the logic of life demands doing what is right. This may at times be
                   an indiscretion, but indiscretions rightly motivated are the way history
                   moves. Half of statesmanship is taking the somewhat blind step that carries
                   no assurance of success but which has about it all the qualities of what is
                   just.

                   The Republican Party and its intellectuals have been searching hard for
                   theme and direction. Futurism, the Contract With America, national
                   greatness, capital gains: These have fallen flat not only because they are
                   bereft of urgency but because they are as well an evasion of duty. Politically,
                   there can be only one visceral theme, one battle, one task. If the party
                   embraces it, the party will solidify. If it rejects it, it will drift.

                   Subject to the Law

                   The task is to address the question of President William Jefferson Clinton's
                   fitness for office in light of the many crimes, petty and otherwise, that
                   surround, imbue and color his tenure. The president must be made subject
                   to the law.

                   When that moment arrives it will signify the rejection of flattery, the rejection
                   of intimidation, the rejection of lies, the rejection of manipulation, the
                   rejection of disingenuous pretense, and a revulsion for the sordid crimes and
                   infractions the president has brought to his office. It will come, if it does, in
                   one word. One word that will lift the fog to show a field of battle clearly laid
                   down. One word that will break the spell. One word that will clarify and
                   cleanse. One word that will confound the dishonest. One word that will do
                   justice. One word. Impeach.
 

                   Mr. Helprin, a novelist and Journal contributing editor, is a senior fellow at
                   the Hudson Institute.